Tech, Politics, Terror, and Everything In Between

in #writing6 years ago

Tech and politics, politics and tech - if a few years ago no one really understood the connection, nowadays, with cyber warfare and the politicization of social media, we’re starting to fear the two may be interwoven. The previous post I wrote about social revolutions and technology demonstrated how, way before Facebook and Twitter, technology was an active player in social revolutions. Manuel Castells, saw social revolutions as man’s struggle against the wheels of bureaucracy. And, Anthony Giddens is to Manuel Castells like peanut butter is to jelly.

The sociology of PB&J

In the sandwich of globalization research Castells is the peanut butter and Giddens is the jelly you spread on top. Combine the two, and you have a pretty good understanding of how we got to where we are.

Just like Castells, Giddens is also very political. He didn’t just stop once he got his PhD in Sociology. He also has a column in The Guardian, was a consultant to Tony Blair in his days as prime minister, a member of the house of lords, and holds a nobility title of Baron.

So when your mom asks what are you going to do with a degree in sociology?! You can say: I’m going to be English royalty and dictate government policy for one of the most influential countries in the world (drop the mic).

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Giddens is considered to be one of the most influential sociologists of our time. He’s written over 40 books, translated to over 40 languages, which means he publishes about a book a year. Not bad considering it takes me about 2 weeks to write 500 words.

Now that I thoroughly powdered Giddens’ ass and established him as the authority figure he truly is let’s get down to it.

The Techno-social revolution will be televised


Back in the 90s, while you were playing snake on your phone and waiting for your modem to dial up, Giddens was examining processes of modernization. Like Castells, Giddens also claimed that techno - social processes come in waves and that society doesn’t move forward linearly. But, he also claimed that 20th century globalization was a stronger revolution that previous revolutions, and, because of the power of the global media the wheels of change could not be reversed. Bad news for global warming, I guess.

The world, as we know it, is divided up into two eras: The pre-modern era and the modern one. The main difference between the two periods is in people’s ability to disconnect themselves from time and space. Stay with me now, for pre-modern man, his space was the physical space in which he moved, and the experience of moving through that physical space was measured in time.

The modern man doesn’t have those physical restrictions. The modern man is exposed to spaces outside his physical space. Like watching TV, the modern man experiences a space outside his physical space in a mediated way.

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First rule of philosophy: everything is relative


Just like TV, the internet provides us a with a different space, a virtual one. But, it’s a more visceral and interactive experience. Physical space is not important and it’s replaced with a new kind of space that is not dependant on physicality, aka virtual reality. Nothing too earth shattering here but in the days of early internet sociology this was the equivalent of discovering dark matter.

The transformation from pre-modern society to modern or global society was completed through global media channels, whose channels of distribution are TV and internet. Most sociologists can agree about this process, almost as readily as they agree on the social and cultural ramifications of dick jokes.

However, unlike most sociologists, Giddens is actually an optimist. He believes that corporations are incapable of managing civil society. The state could regain control if it goes a new path and adopts “new politics”...So I guess he’d have voted for Donald Trump then?!

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Like a ship hurling aimlessly through space


Back in 1991, Giddens wrote an influential, yet not that well known, book called “The Consequences of Modernity”. Although the book might as well have been a crystal ball than a hardbound academic read. He warns us that the technology we use is unpredictable and, therefore, is inherently dangerous. Especially, since we live in very fluid and uncertain times or, as he puts it, modernity is like a ship flying aimlessly through space.

However, as we fly aimlessly through space on this ship called Earth, internally, shit’s going down. In modern countries, the scientific and national institutions that symbolize the state are under attack, and their power is deteriorating rapidly largely thanks to technological advances enjoyed by the people of these countries. When the symbols that make up our governing bodies are under attack what person in their right mind would want to be president? Could this be the reason why there is no captain at the helm?

Again, Giddens wrote this back in 1991. The year the first website was introduced, early laptops were just coming out, and Linux kernel was the newest thing, and Blossom debuted on NBC.

But before 1991, like a generation or two back, politicians or statesmen were admired and their credibility and leadership was not put in doubt. Being a politician was something to aspire to. But, now, politicians like Donald Trump are elevated by the media (remember when the media loved The Donald in the Republican primaries?) only to be crushed soon after.

Video killed the science star


When it comes to scientific inquiry, If a few decades ago scientific research was given dogmatic status, today, for every scientific claim made there’s another one that claims the exact opposite. As result, as scientific inquiry moves ahead uncertainty is increased. So, in an ironic twist of events, the more we research something the less we know about it.

If there’s something that people don’t like it’s uncertainty. When science serves to increase uncertainty rather than answer questions and simplify the world we live in most people will shy away from science at best or, even, completely lose faith in science. Into that void come in new religions like scientology with an offer of order to the universe.

Wait, didn’t I say that Giddens was an optimist?! Apparently, it’s not too late to save this ship from crashing but someone has to make a harrowing lunge towards the helms before it’s too late. However, that captain can’t come from the classical political parties, be it right wing or left wing. Instead, he or she would need to come from a “third party”, a new party, that would serve a more egalitarian and democratic cause. Maybe that can still happen?!

Terrorists with style


If Giddens seems all over the place, that’s mostly due to me having a hard time summing up his prolific life work into a blog post that won’t put you to sleep, hopefully.

There was, however, one thing which most of Giddens’ work had in common - foreshadowing. He had a pretty good grasp on future events. For example, years before anyone heard of ISIS or Jihadi John, Giddens was hard at work looking into the motivations of terrorists post 9/11. In an article he write for the Guardian, Giddens tried to wrap his head around why Al Qaeda was trying to go after planes and airports again and again. I mean, there are easier ways to cause more casualties, damage, and terror without attacking some of the most secure locations the modern world has to offer.

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The IRA or Basque resistance, for one, never really tried to drop planes out of the sky or create mass terrorist attacks. They are, what Giddens calls, “traditional terrorists”. Jihadists are a different kind of terrorist, a symbolic terror that knows no boundaries or limitations. It’s a global terror that would always prefer to focus on the symbolic than the practical goals of terror.

Therefore, organizations like Al Qaeda and ISIS are a cynical satire of themselves. Their goal is to fight globalization (or colonialism), modernity, etc. BUT they are just as much a product of that society as are Justin Bieber and Kim Kardashian. A Jihadi terrorist is a self aware kind of terrorist, boundless, without one clear well defined cause to guide him, working on various fronts, and very much confused about what he wants to be when he grows up. For Giddens, Jihadis are basically millennials trying to figure out who they really are.

Giddens is probably the first full stack sociologist. He covered everything from Jihadi terrorism to technology, politics, and consumerism. He didn’t stop there though and also became a politician himself, a journalist, and British nobility. And that was 1,450 words on Anthony Giddens. What did you think?

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It's a very interesting and well done post. I will comment, however, that "before 1991, like a generation or two back, politicians or statesmen were admired and their credibility and leadership was not put in doubt," is a false statement. The magical/cursed time when politicians weren't questioned, doubted, dragged through the mud? Never happened. Wasn't true in the old Greek democracy, wasn't true the second the USA and then France reinvented it.

Just to clarify, that's a quote from Giddens. I guess how I interpret it is that someone like Donald Trump couldn't have been considered for presidency prior to the consumerization of politics. Once the fine line between being a politician and being a celebrity is blurred; once the fine line between a presidential election and reality tv is blurred then politicians start being measured on popularity, and their popularity is not necessarily dependent on their achievements. They become a commodity simply measured on how much it can sell, in this case, votes. Was that always the case? Maybe.

I do think that this process has intensified over the years and I do think that it would be hard to compare the politicians of today with the likes of Churchill, FDR, Golda, Ben Gurion, Rabin, etc. They had an agenda and would not change it (too much) for more votes.

Now, that being said, who am I to say that the politicians of then were better or more moral than current ones. It's all relevant and some may see current politicians as an improvement. I will also agree that politicians were never liked and they always had their haters but "the office" or the political institution garnered more respect than it does today. That could be because the politicians are worse or just because we are more educated about what goes on behind the scenes...

Are you familiar with the musical Hamilton? And, more importantly, the history behind it? Aaron Burr, America's 3rd Vice President who almost became the second President, spent his entire political career not taking any strong political stance. He relied on his eloquence, and charm, and on basically inventing active political campaigning.

We remember leaders with strong convictions better. Like them or not - and I have either a strong dislike or mixed feelings for everyone on your list except FDR - they stand out.

And. sure, Trump is an edge case. But Warren G. Harding wasn't a gem, either. And his presidency was absolutely mired in controversy and corruption. And that's at the presidential level. On the local level? Corruption has always loomed large. The Godfather, in 1972, portrayed senators as working directly for the mob, because some DID.

And who was a bigger celebrity in America following the revolutionary war than George Washington? He ended up being a great - if flawed - statesman, but he won the elections because he was good at fighting, as did Eisenhower, much later.

The tools of today are different, more immediate. But politicians were throwing verbal feces at each other in newspapers from the late 16th century onwards.

I would argue that Ronald Reagen was a terrible president, who suffered from dementia for much of his presidency. He won his second term by a landslide and is still considered a political god on the right. Because he had charisma, and a soothing voice, and happened to be around when the USSR was collapsing. Never mind that he willfully chose to ignore the AIDS crisis because "icky gays," or that his administration was doing shady deals with tyrants.

All of this is not to say that Donald Trump isn't a unique case. But there were very specific circumstances that lead to his win.

If the Supreme Court hadn't decided the Voting Rights Act wasn't really needed anymore? He would have probably lost.

If Russia hadn't undermined the elections through actual fake news? He would have probably lost.

If the FBI had released information about investigating his campaign when they released information about investigating Clinton's campaign? He would have probably lost.

If Comey hadn't sent that letter to Congress mere days before the elections? He would have probably lost.

And with all of that? He still lost the popular vote by 3 million votes.

So, what I'm saying here is that there was a confluence of events, some of them (the FBI's actions in particular) massively affected by the consensus that he couldn't possibly win, that lead to Trump winning.

You make very good point that I have no argument with. It's true that there were "bad" politicians way before 1991. It's also probably true that Trump would have never won if it wasn't for a lot of things aligning in a way that set him up for the presidency.

However, The media tends to focus on the scandalous and the simplistic. It's all true but what really contributed to Trump's rise in the polls to the point that he could even be considered a political candidate was not Russian ad campaigns on Facebook, the FBI, or the Supreme Court. It was growing public opinion that supported his claims that a change was necessary in Washington DC. Manay American found that message to resonate with their own beliefs, especially when made by an "outsider".

Also, consider that he still beat all of the other Republican candidates. That says something. He still got millions of Americans to vote for him and that says something too.

It's also similar to what is happening in Europe, which I think is rooted in a general lack of confidence that the public has for their politicians.

A recent survey by The PEW, found that public trust in the government remains near historic lows. Only 18% of Americans today say they can trust the government in Washington to do what is right “just about always” (3%) or “most of the time” (15%).

screenshot-www.people-press.org-2018.02.06-12-51-19.png

While you may be right that, if we judge on merit, the politicians of old were no better than the politicians of new and vice versa. But, in the court of public perception there is a shift that is hard to ignore.

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It's been years since I read Giddens, but I always thought of him as left of center. And given that he was, among other things, an advisor to Blair, I sincerely doubt he would have "voted for Trump."

Giddens is also a supporter of international cooperation on climate change issues, which would put his politics at odds with Trump's. Furthermore, his "third way" is far too conciliatory a strategy for someone like Trump, who is divisiveness incarnate.

You touch on a number of interesting topics here. I assume your main point is not about Giddens being a prescient sociologist (which he is), but about the nexus between politics and technology and the idea that their co-evolution has led (perhaps inexorably) to Donald Trump, the celebrity president.

I'm not a technological determinist, but I'll grant that this is a juicy topic to debate (and far more interesting than debating "the social and cultural ramifications of dick jokes," which no sociologist I know has ever brought up). One point worth noting is that the revolution is not so much being televised as tweeted. TV is an older broadcast-media technology, which is different from the more peer-to-peer, interactive structure of the Internet and social networks like Twitter.

That distinction plays directly into a tactic Trump loves to use: characterizing most broadcast news outlets as purveyors of "fake" news and addressing his supporters directly through Twitter. This tactic both draws from and reinforces the right-wing populist ideology that underpins Trumpism. And it serves, symbolically, to suggest that the "truths" we are getting from Trump are themselves unmediated. Unfortunately, the "revolution" he's proposing is remarkably reactionary. I sincerely hope we'll survive it.

Finally, I'd be careful about not making Giddens sound too postmodern. I'm fairly certain that despite the allure of social media and virtual spaces, he would argue that human beings are still, in fact, very mired (socio-economically) in the physical spaces we occupy. And although I don't know which of Giddens' writings you are referencing in your last section, I doubt he would regard today's terrorists as having "style." Terrorism has always been waged on a symbolic front, too. And symbolism does not equal style.

I don't know. I think the Giddens from twenty or thirty years ago may have voted for Trump in a similar way that other Americans voted for him - as an act of protest. I also think he would have been disappointed in hindsight.

You're absolutely right about the inherent irony of Trump's use of the media and their use of him. In his use of the media, Trump is basically the equivalent of ISIS. Both of them know how ot use the media for their purposes and the media was happy to have them soar on the back of their wings up to a point.

For each of them, that point was different but for both it was a tipping point. Trump was anecdotal as a Republican primaries candidate and the media loved him. ISIS were a terrible phenomena but something happening halfway around the world.

It wasn't until Trump became a viable presidential candidate and Jihadist John started killing Americans that their media coverage changed, which caused a change in public opinion. This resulted in the stronger institutions of government starting to take notice. For ISIS, it was the military. For Trump, the judiciary.

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