Thomas Hobbes' Pseudo-Libertarian Fascism

in #politics7 years ago

I am currently reading the works of Thomas Hobbes. Well, I've come to conclude that Thomas Hobbes is kind of a terrible person, and also dreadfully self-contradictory.

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Hobbes starts from a pretty rational and libertarian foundation, but then goes astray quite quickly. In De Homine, Hobbes starts with a theory of ethics that I mostly agree with.

"The common nature of all things that are desired, insofar as they are desired, is good; and for all things we shun, evil. Therefore Aristotle hath well defined good as that which all men desire.... Therefore good and evil are correlated with desiring and shunning. There can be a common good, and it can rightly be said of something, it is commonly a good, that is, useful to many, or good for the state....
"Moreover, the greatest of goods for each is his own preservation. For nature is so arranged that all desire good for themselves. Insofar as it is within their capacities, it is necessary to desire life, health, and further, insofar as it can be done, security of future time."—Thomas Hobbes (De Homine, Ch. 11)

He lays out a preference utilitarian variety of Aristotelian natural law theory. For Hobbes, good and evil are not defined by divine decree or metaphysical hocus pocus, but rather by preferences of individuals. However, humans all share a common nature as human beings—as members of a certain species that have the same biological needs—, so it can be said that there are certain core values and preferences that are universal amongst the members of the species. However, reason just as much as desire is part of human nature, so the right course of action is that which is logically calculated to achieve our desires.

"But since all do grant, that is done by right, which is not done against reason, we ought to judge those actions only wrong, which are repugnant to right reason, that is, which contradict some certain truth collected by right reasoning from true principles. But that wrong which is done, we say it is done against some law. Therefore true reason is a certain law; which, since it is no less a part of human nature than any other faculty or affection of the mind, is also termed natural. Therefore the law of nature, that I may define it, is the dictate of right reason, conversant about those things which are either to be done or omitted for the constant preservation of life and members, as much as in us lies."—Thomas Hobbes (De Cive, Ch. 2)

I can't help but think of Larry Arnhart's Darwinian Natural Right. Hobbes seems to be standing in a long tradition of philosophers who espoused a theory of ethics that is fundamentally compatible with naturalism, atheism, and Darwinism. Thomas Hobbes is not an "ethical egoist" as many have purported, a confusion that arises from a tendency to only read his Leviathan while ignoring his other writings.

When he turns to the question of civil society, he also starts with a good foundation. He attempts to justify the creation of civil government on the basis of his natural law theory. He starts with a notion of natural rights. In a state of nature, there are no rulers or authorities to which people can be held accountable, thus every individual has a natural right to do whatsoever they want.

"Nature hath given to every one a right to all; that is, it was lawful for every man, in the bear state of nature, or before such time as men had engaged themselves by any covenants or bonds, to do what he would, and against whom he thought fit, and to possess, use, and enjoy all that he would, or could get."—Thomas Hobbes (De Cive, Ch. 1)

Hobbes holds that this state of nature leads to a "war of all against all," which right reason beckons us to eliminate through forming alliances with other people and creating a civil society. Thus, reason dictates that we ought to voluntarily associate with other men in order to form a society that can protect us from the "perpetual war" inherent in the state of nature. In engaging in such a social contract, "the rights of all men to all things ought not to be retained; but that some certain rights ought to be transferred or relinquished."(De Cive, Ch. 1)

Thus far, Hobbes seems to have a coherent and libertarian theory of ethics and politics, one that even an anarchist could agree with. I can see his arguments (up to this point, that is) as being essentially compatible with the philosophy and methodology of Lysander Spooner or of Murray Bookchin. So far, he seems to be almost voluntaryist. But it is not long before Hobbes departs from this theory of ethics quite drastically. Through a certain sleight of hand, Hobbes suddenly flips his narrative on its head. Hobbes is not really concerned with envisioning an ideal/just society. In reality, Hobbes is seeking to justify already existing governments by conflating such arrangements with more voluntary arrangements in a theoretical society based on social contract and natural justice.

In entering into the social contract, one gives up some of their natural rights, but Hobbes does not think that agreement must be explicit and expressed in order for the social contract to be valid. If a person is complacent and non-resistant to others attempting to rule over them, then that person can be said to have implicitly agreed to the terms of the social contract.

"But he is said to part with his right, who either absolutely renounceth it, or conveys it to another. He absolutely renounceth it, who by some sufficient sign or meet tokens declares, that he is willing that it shall never be lawful for him to do that again, which before by right he might have done. But he conveys it to another, who by some sufficient sign or meet tokens declares to that other, that he is willing it should be unlawful for him to resist him, in going about to do somewhat in the performance whereof he might before with right have resisted him. But that the conveyance of right consists merely in not resisting, is understood by this, that before it was conveyed, he to whom he conveyed it, had even then also a right to all; whence he could not give any new right; but the resisting right he had before he gave it, by reason whereof the other could not freely enjoy his rights, is utterly abolished."—Thomas Hobbes (De Cive, Ch. 2)

By a certain sleight of hand, Hobbes has turned an apparently voluntaryist theory of ethics into a justification for totally involuntary arrangements. In chapter 8 of De Cive, Hobbes uses this notion of conveyance of right consisting of not resisting to justify the institution of slavery. He contends that one can justly acquire a right to ownership of animals and other people "by force and natural strength."(De Cive, Ch. 8)

Following this sleight of hand, Hobbes completely lays aside his Aristotelian natural law theory of ethics and substitutes an authoritarian alternative. For Hobbes, the preference utilitarian approach combined with right reason only really applies to man in a state of nature. Once man finds himself living in a civil society, he has already abandoned his natural rights and conveyed upon others the right to rule over him. At this point, it is no longer the individual's private preferences that matter, but the will of the sovereign, the king or civil magistrate. Now, to do good is to keep the social contract and obey the sovereign. Thus, good and evil are now defined solely by the will of the sovereign, so that righteousness has become synonymous with obedience.

"But one and the first which disposeth them to sedition, is this, that the knowledge of good and evil belongs to each single man. In the state of nature indeed, where every man lives by equal right, and has not by any mutual pacts submitted to the command of others, we have granted this to be true; nay, [proved it] in chap. r. art. 9. [But in the civil state it is false. For it was shown (chap. vr. art. 9)] that the civil laws were the rules of good and evil, just and unjust, honest and dishonest; that therefore what the legislator commands, must be held for good, and what he forbids for evil. And the legislator is ever that person who hath the supreme power in the commonweal, that is to say, the monarch in a monarchy.... Since therefore it belongs to kings to discern between good and evil, wicked are those, though usual, sayings, that he only is a king who does righteously, and that kings must not be obeyed unless they command us just things; and many other such like. Before there was any government, just and unjust had no being, their nature only being relative to some command: and every action in its own nature is indifferent; that it becomes just or unjust, proceeds from the right of the magistrate. Legitimate kings therefore make the things they command just, by commanding them, and those which they forbid, unjust, by forbidding them. But private men, while they assume to themselves the knowledge of good and evil, desire to be even as kings; which cannot be with the safety of the commonweal. The most ancient of all God's commands is (Gen. ii. 17): Thou shalt not eat of the tree of knowledge of good and evil: and the most ancient of all diabolical temptations (Gen. iii. 5): Ye shall be as gods, knowing good and evil."—Thomas Hobbes (De Cive, Ch. 12)

Hobbes also thinks that monarchy is the ideal form of government, but that aristocracy might be more stable over time. As far as Hobbes is concerned, republicans and democrats tend to be crypto-anarchists. Republicans and democrats tend to hold that the legitimacy of government depends on the continued consent of the governed and the justice of the government itself, so revolution and tyrannicide are justified whenever the sovereign government loses the consent of the governed.

"The third seditious doctrine springs from the same root, that tyrannicide is lawful, nay, at this day it is by many divines, and of old it was by all the philosophers, Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, Seneca, Plutarch, and the rest of the maintainers of the Greek and Roman anarchies, held not only lawful, but even worthy of the greatest praise."—Thomas Hobbes (De Cive, Ch. 12)

For Hobbes, there can never be any legitimate reason to remove a ruler from power, and any attempt at establishing autonomy or self-rule by the people is really just tantamount to anarchy. Hobbes holds that there are only three types of government—democracy, aristocracy, and monarchy—and that the other three classical forms of government—anarchy, oligarchy, and tyranny—are merely terms that express one's displeasure with the corollary form of government.

"Now, although ancient writers of politics have introduced three other kinds of government opposite to these; to wit, anarchy or confusion to democracy; oligarchy, that is, the command of some few, to aristocracy; and tyranny to monarchy; yet are not these three distinct forms of government, but three diverse titles given by those who were either displeased with that present government or those that bear rule. For men, by giving names, do usually not only signify the things themselves, but also their own affections, as love, hatred, anger, and the like. Whence it happens that what one man calls a democracy, another calls an anarchy; what one counts an aristocracy, another esteems an oligarchy; and whom one titles a king, another styles him a tyrant. So as we see, these names betoken not a diverse kind of government, but the diverse opinions of the subjects concerning him who hath the supreme power."—Thomas Hobbes (De Cive, Ch. 7)

As I'm reading Hobbes, I keep thinking of Murray Rothbard's Ethics of Liberty. Both Hobbes and Rothbard attempt to justify man's domination of man on the basis of voluntary contract, but Rothbard starts with a more individualistic and propertarian foundation. A major difference between Rothbard and Hobbes lies in their understandings of contract. For Hobbes, a contract can be asymmetrical—the citizen is bound to obey the sovereign by the social contract but the sovereign is not bound to protect and serve the citizen. By entering into the social contract, the citizen has given up his right to self-determination, so the sovereign has the right to alter the rules and terms of the contract, as his will now stands in for the citizen's. Hobbes uses this rationale to justify slavery. Rothbard, on the other hand, does not think that one can relinquish their natural rights. A "voluntary" slave contract would be illegitimate, null and void, from the outset. One cannot simply relinquish their natural right to self-determination. Furthermore, Hobbes holds that one can give implicit consent to a contract and thereby enter into a voluntary arrangement without explicitly expressing agreement. Not resisting domination amounts to consenting. Rothbard, on the other hand, holds that one must explicitly agree to the terms of a contract in order for it to be binding. The legitimacy of the enforcement of the ruling of a private court or judge within an anarcho-capitalist system, according to Rothbard, would be predicated on the fact that the individuals involved would have voluntarily agreed beforehand to comply with the rulings of said court. The people under the jurisdiction of the courts and private security firms in a Rothbardian system would have explicitly agreed to obey the ruling of the courts and cooperate with the security firm in their enforcement to the extent that the court and security firm do not violate their natural rights.

Perhaps a more thorough comparison of Rothbard and Hobbes will be the topic of a future post. It's also very likely that I will have more thoughts to express on the topic of Hobbes as I read his Leviathan.

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This is a good summary of Hobbes. I always found it difficult to slog through his awkward style of writing. I previously believed in the utilitarianism of Bentham, who popularized the idea a century after Hobbes, but as a scientist I eventually had to reject it because I found no objective basis to measure the utility of anything: good, bad, or otherwise.

If you really search and search and search for an objective way to measure utility or "the common good," I think you will see it slipping between your fingers and disappearing. Let me know if you use a certain method of measuring utility or the common good.

thx

I don't adhere to utilitarianism in Bentham's sense. Utility isn't something that can be measured. Furthermore, ethics (along with ALL human experience) is simultaneously objective and subjective. There is a subject-object entanglement.

https://steemit.com/anarchism/@ekklesiagora/science-ethics-and-individual-sovereignty

sorry for the late response. I'm new to Steemit and didn't see my replies.

Above you said:

Hobbes starts with a theory of ethics that I mostly agree with.

and then you quoted Hobbes talking about the common good. I also see from your other posts that you believe in something like the "common good." From the post that you linked in your reply, you say;

If there is someone that doesn't think maximizing well-being is a good goal, then that person is a sociopath and it isn't worth talking to them about ethics anyways.

For making personal decisions about my behavior, I strongly consider my well-being (among other things, such as the cost in terms of time and money). I will not force a person to do something against his will to abide by my subjective preferences for well-being, so I do not believe in maximizing OTHER PEOPLE'S well-being against their will. Do you still say that I am a sociopath?

I have a question. In any measurement of well-being, how do you count other things as offsets?
If a government program creates high "well-being" by your measurement stick, but it implies a 50% income tax on everybody, do you reduce the "net well-being?" Do you offset the "well-being score" if behavior is regulated by the government to make it illegal to eat food that is known to shorten one's lifespan (refined sugar, high-fructose corn syrup. fried meat)? In other words, how do you count loss of liberty on your scale???

IMO., the complexities of the modern age can be distilled into a trifecta of problems: scale, the sheer enormity of the damage that can be done today by pathological dominator hierarchies. 2)Technological prowress devoid of any ethical constraint is leading to totalizing control via military and police forces combined​ with a mass profiling surveillance​ apparatus. 3)humanities spiritual inheritance dwindled down to consumerism and the worship of the god KA$H wherein there is​ only one criteria for everything--can my corporation profit from this; in fact, this has led to what I call economic fascism.

Considering this, I must say that I agree partially with Hobbes, I think it is correct when he says that people implicitly accept the social contract, but I am against the ruler having such absolute power over the governed. I also agree on what he says about the Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy are the genuine forms of government, however, I think we can not leave the meritocracy out. Interesting is to see that at present, we have degraded systems, be it tyrannies, or plutocratic oligarchies. And I still hear people saying that the 21st century is more advanced in everything, I do not think so, we will have much more wealth than in the past, but in the way of governing ourselves, surely we have declined.

Meritocracy is really a type of aristocracy. Ideally, it's what aristocracy was really supposed to be.

"I think it is correct when he says that people implicitly accept the social contract"
I disagree, that's not the way contracts work. Cf. Lysander Spooner's "The Constitution of No Authority". Under Hobbes' theory, criminal gangs in South Africa would be legitimated by the fact that no one resists them since no one has the power to combat them. If you want a theory of the legitimacy of government, John Rawls is much more palatable.

I will have to study the theory of Mr. Rawls, but I meant that he was right, on the basis that the validity in this case is granted by force, I think Machiavelli spoke about it.

Might is right is a fascist ideology. If a man rapes a woman, the fact that he was able to overpower her doesn't justify his act. Even if the civil government made a law saying that he had a right to rape her, and even if everyone in society except the woman agreed that he has a right to rape her, his act would still be unethical and unjust. Validity cannot be granted by force, but only by ethical principles derived from natural law. Force determines what is, not what ought to be.

Moreover, I'm inclined more towards anarchism and libertarianism. If something would be unjust for an individual to do, it would also be unjust for a State to do. People can't confer rights to government that they don't have individually, etc.

Rawls argues that government is legitimate not because people do implicitly consent, but because people would consent if they were "behind a veil of ignorance". If people, before birth, had to choose the kind of government to be born into, without knowing ahead of time what place they would have in that society (not knowing whether they would be rich, poor, gay, hetero, black, white, trans, smart, dumb, deformed, beautiful, etc.), there is a certain type of liberal democratic State that Rawls suggests that they would consent to be born into. The legitimacy rests not on the fact that people have consented, but rather on the fact that they would consent if they knew all the facts and had no biases. But Rawls' approach only justifies a certain type of government, not any and all forms of government. Hobbes' theory justifies any government whatsoever.

Ok, I'm not saying that I agree or that I like the Hobbes model, I'm just saying that from one point of view, force can give validity, because validity is given by the rules of the game, but force is something that it goes further, because it is capable of changing by itself the rules of what is valid and what is not. In fact, in politics the acts are almost never valid, the validity is something granted by those who have the strength to impose their will. When the colonies of the United Kingdom and Spain in America, decided to exercise their right to independence, they did so because they had the strength to impose their right, to later form the models of governments that they decided for their countries, otherwise, they would continue being colonies of the Spanish Empire and the British Empire. If in France the revolution had not had the power to impose the Bourbon dynasty, things would be taken a very different path.

The hares harangue in the assembly and argued that everyone should be the same. The lions then replied: "Your words, ladies hares, are good, but they lack claws and fangs like the ones we have.

Aesop

came to know about this person for the first time through your post got to know a lot thanks for sharing

Government is made by people so the government should be for the people that in pure means democratic nation . In india government only comes to your home for vote and after their work is over they don't listen to anything

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